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American Exceptionalism

By Howard Zinn
from The Boston Review

The notion of American exceptionalism is not new. It starts as early as 1630 in the Massachusetts Bay colony when Governor John Winthrop utters the words which centuries later would be quoted by Ronald Reagan. Winthrop called the Massachusetts Bay colony a "city on a hill." Reagan embellished a little, calling it a "golden city on a hill."

The idea of a city on a hill is heartwarming. It suggests what George Bush has spoken of: The United States is a beacon of liberty and democracy. People can look to us, and learn from and emulate us.

In reality, we have never been just a city on a hill. A few years after Governor Winthrop uttered his famous words, the people in the city on a hill moved out to massacre the Pequot Indians. There's a description by William Bradford, an early settler, of Captain John Mason's attack on a Pequot village.

"Those that escaped the fire, were slain with a sword some hewed to pieces, some run through with spears, as they were quickly dispatched and very few escaped. It is conceived that thus destroyed about 400 at this time. It was a fearful sight to see them frying in the fire and the streams of blood quenching the same but the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice and I gave prayers thereof to God, Who had fought so wondrously for them and given them a speedy victory over so proud and insulting an enemy."

The kind of massacre described by Bradford occurs again and again as Americans march west to the Pacific and south to the Gulf of Mexico. (In fact our celebrated war of liberation��the American Revolution��was disastrous for the Indians. Colonists had been restrained from encroaching on the Indian territory by the British and the boundary set up in their Proclamation of 1763. American independence wiped out that boundary.

Expansion into another territory, occupying that territory, and dealing harshly with people who resist that occupation has been a persistent fact of American history from the first settlers to the present day. And it was often accompanied from very early on with a particular form of American exceptionalism: American expansion is divinely ordained. On the eve of the war with Mexico in the middle of the 19th century, just after the US annexed Texas, the editor and writer John O'Sullivan coined the famous phrase "manifest destiny". He said it was our "manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions."

Providence continued to be involved in American expansion. At the beginning of the 20th century, when the US invaded the Philippines. President McKinley said that the decision to take the Philippines came one night when he got down on his knees and prayed and God told him to take the Philippines.

Invoking God has been a habit for Presidents throughout American history, but George Bush has made a specialty of it. For a recent article in the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz, the reporter talked with Palestinian leaders who had met with Bush. One of them reported that Bush told him: "God told me to strike at Al Qaeda. And I struck them. And then he instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did. And now I am determined to solve the problem in the Middle East." It's hard to know if the quote is authentic, especially because it is so literate. But it certainly is consistent with Bush's oft-expressed claims.

Divine ordination is a very dangerous idea, especially when combined with military power. With God's approval, you need no human standard of morality. Anyone today who claims the support of God might be embarrassed to recall that the Nazi storm troopers had on their belts "Gut mit uns" ("God with Us").

When the government of the United States��a nation with 10,000 nuclear weapons, with military bases in a hundred different countries, and warships on every sea��assures us it gets its power from God, the world is in danger.

Not every American leader claimed divine sanction, but the idea persisted, that the United Sates was uniquely justified in using its power to expand throughout the world. In 1945, at the end of World War II, Henry Luce, the owner of a vast chain of media enterprises��Time, Life, Fortune��declared that this would be "the American Century", that victory in the war gave the United States the right "to exert upon the world the full impact of our influence for such purposes as we see fit and by such means as we see fit."

This confident prophecy was acted out all through the rest of the 20th century. Almost immediately after World War II the United States penetrated the oil regions of the Middle East by special arrangements with Saudi Arabia. It established military bases in Japan, Korea, the Philippines, and a number of Pacific islands. In the next decades it orchestrated right-wing coups in Iran, Guatemala, Chile, and gave military aid to various dictatorships in the Caribbean. It soon had military bases all over the world, and in an attempt to establish a foothold in Southeast Asia it invaded Vietnam, bombed Laos and Cambodia.

The existence of the Soviet Union, even with its acquisition of nuclear weapons, did not block this expansion. In fact, the exaggerated threat of "world communism" gave the United States a powerful justification for expanding all over the globe, and soon it had military bases in a hundred countries. Presumably, only the United States stood in the way of the Soviet conquest of the world.

Can we believe that it was the existence of the Soviet Union that brought about the aggressive militarism of he United States? If so, how explain all that violent expansion before 1917? A hundred years before the Bolshevik Revolution American armies were annihilating Indian tribes, clearing the great expanse of the West in an early example of what we now call "ethnic cleansing". And with the continent conquered, the nation began to look overseas.

On the eve of the 20th century, as American armies moved into Cuba and the Philippines, American exceptionalism was not always exclusive. The nation was willing, indeed eager, to join the small group of Western imperial powers which one day it would supersede. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge wrote at the time: "The great nations are rapidly absorbing for their future expansion, and their present defense all the waste places of the earth...As one of the great nations of the world the United States must not fall out of the line of march."

American exceptionalism was never more clearly expressed than by Secretary of War Elihu Root who in 1899 declared: "The American soldier is different from all other soldiers of all other countries since the world began. He is the advance guard of liberty and justice, of law and order, and of peace and happiness." At the time he was saying this, American soldiers in the Philippines were starting a bloodbath which would take the lives of 600,000 Filipinos.

The idea that America is different because its military actions are for the benefit of others becomes particularly persuasive when it is put forth by leaders presumed to be liberals, progressives. For instance, Woodrow Wilson, always high on the list of "liberal" presidents, labeled both by scholars and the popular culture as an "idealist", was ruthless in the use of military power against weaker nations. He sent the navy to bombard and occupy the Mexican port of Vera Cruz in 1914 because the Mexicans had arrested some U.S. sailors. He sent the marines into Haiti in 1915, and when the Haitians resisted, thousands were killed.

The following year U.S. marines occupied the Dominican Republic. The occupations of Haiti and the Dominican Republic lasted many years. And Wilson, who had been elected in 1916 saying "There is such a thing as a nation being too proud to fight", soon sent young Americans into the slaughterhouse of the European war.

Theodore Roosevelt was considered a "Progressive", indeed ran for president on the Progressive Party ticket in 1912. But he was a lover of war, a supporter of the conquest of the Philippines, indeed had congratulated the general who wiped out a Filipino village of 600 people in 1906. He had promulgated the 1904 "Roosevelt Corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which justified the occupation of small countries in the Caribbean as bringing them "stability",

During the Cold War, many American "liberals" became caught up in a kind of hysteria about the Soviet threat, which was certainly real in Eastern Europe, but was greatly exaggerated as a threat to Western Europe or the United States. During the period of "McCarthyism" the Senate's quintessential liberal, Hubert Humphrey, proposed detention camps for suspected subversives who in times of "national emergency" could be held without trial.

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, terrorism replaced communism as the justification for expansion. Terrorism was real, but its threat was magnified to the point of hysteria, permitting excessive military action abroad and curtailment of civil liberties at home.

The idea of American exceptionalism persisted as the first President Bush declared, following up on Henry Luce's prediction, that the nation was about to embark on a "new American Century". Though the Soviet Union was gone, the policy of military intervention abroad did not end. Bush Senior invaded Panama, and then went to war against Iraq.

The terrible attacks of September 11 gave a new impetus to the idea that the United States was uniquely responsible for the security of the world, defending us all against terrorism as it once did against Communism. President George Bush carried the idea of American Exceptionalism to its limits by putting forth, in his National Security Strategy, the principles of pre-emptive war, carried on unilaterally, with unchallenged U.S. military supremacy,

This was a repudiation of the United Nations Charter, which is based on the idea that security is a collective matter, and that war could only be justified in self-defense. We might note that the Bush doctrine also violates the principles laid out at Nuremberg, when Nazi leaders were convicted and hanged for aggressive war, pre-emptive war, far from self-defense.

Bush's national security strategy, its bold statement that the United States is uniquely responsible for peace and democracy in the world��this stark declaration of American exceptionalism��has been shocking to many Americans.

But it is not really a dramatic departure from the historical practice of the United States, which for a long time has acted as an aggressor, bombing and invading other countries (Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Grenada, Panama, Iraq, insisting on maintaining nuclear and non-nuclear supremacy. Preemption, unilateralism are familiar characteristics of US foreign policy.

Sometimes bombings and invasions have been cloaked as international action by bringing in the U.N., as in Korea, or NATO, as in Serbia. but basically our wars have been American enterprises. It was Bill Clinton's Secretary of State, Madeline Albright, who said at one point, "If possible we will act in the world multilaterally, but if necessary, we will act unilaterally." Henry Kissinger, hearing this, responded with his customary solemnity, that this principle "should not be universalized". Exceptionalism was never clearer.

Some liberals in this country, opposed to Bush, nevertheless accept his principles in foreign affairs. It is clear that 9/11 had a powerful psychological effect on everybody in America, and for certain liberal intellectuals��a kind of hysterical reaction to 9-11 has distorted their ability to think clearly about our nation's role in the world.

In a recent issue of the liberal magazine, the American Prospect, the editors write: "The greatest immediate threat to our lives and liberties are Islamic terrorists with global reach. Therefore, when facing a substantial, immediate and provable threat the US has both the right and the obligation to strike preemptively and if need be, unilaterally, against terrorists or states that support them."

Preemptively, and if need be, unilaterally. That is the Bush doctrine, The writers qualify what would otherwise be obviously embarrassing by putting in those words: "facing a substantial, immediate and provable threat..." But those who decide whether a threat is in fact substantial, immediate and provable, will not be the liberal intellectuals who formulated this but the people who run the government of the US.

It seems that the idea of American exceptionalism��that the United States alone has the right��whether by divine sanction or moral obligation��to bring civilization, or democracy, or liberty to the rest of the world by violence if necessary��finds acceptance on all sides of the political spectrum.

The idea is not challenged because the history of American expansion in the world is not a history that is taught very much in our educational system. Our universities have specialties in something called "diplomatic history" in which the history of our foreign policy is indeed treated diplomatically.

A couple of years ago Bush addressed the Philippine National Assembly and said, "America is proud of its part in the great story of the Filipino people. Together our soldiers liberated the Philippines from colonial rule." The President apparently never learned the story of the bloody conquest of the Philippines.

And last year, when the Mexican ambassador to the UN said something undiplomatic about how the United States has been treating Mexico as its "backyard" he was immediately reprimanded by Colin Powell. Powell, denying the accusation, said: "We have too much of a history that we have gone through together". (Had he not learned about the Mexican War or the military forays into Mexico?). The ambassador was soon removed from his post.

The major newspapers, television news shows, and radio talk shows appear not to know history, or prefer to forget our history. There was an outpouring of praise for Bush's recent Inaugural Address all through the press, including the so-called liberal press (the Washington Post, the New York Times). The editorial writers eagerly embraced the words uttered by George Bush about spreading liberty in the world, as if they were ignorant of the history of such claims, as if the news from Iraq over the past two years that suggests otherwise, is meaningless.

Only a couple of days before Bush uttered those words about spreading liberty in the world, the New York Times published a photo of a crouching, bleeding Iraqi girl. She was screaming. Her parents, taking her somewhere in their car, had just been shot to death by nervous American soldiers.

One of the consequences of American exceptionalism is that the United States government considers itself exempt from legal and moral standards accepted by other nations in the world. There is a long list of such instances: the refusal to sign the Kyoto Treaty regulating the pollution of the environment, the refusal to strengthen the convention on biological weapons. The U.S. has failed to join the hundred or more nations that have agreed to ban land mines, in spite of the appalling statistics on amputations performed on children mutilated by those mines. It refuses to ban the use of napalm and cluster bombs. It insists that it must not be subject, as are other countries, to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court.

What is the answer to the insistence on American exceptionalism? Those of us in the United States and in the world who don't accept it must declare very forcibly that the ethical norms concerning peace and human rights should be observed. The children of the world should all be seen as part of one family. It should be understood that the children of Iraq, of China, of Africa, children everywhere in the world, have the same right to life as American children.

These are fundamental moral principles. If our government doesn't uphold them, the citizenry must. At certain times in recent history, imperial powers��the British in India and East Africa, the Belgians in the Congo, the French in Algeria, the Dutch and French in Southeast Asia, the Portuguese in Angola��have reluctantly surrendered their possessions and swallowed their pride when they were forced to by massive resistance.

Fortunately, there are people all over the world who believe that human beings everywhere deserve the same rights to life and liberty. On February 15, 2003, on the eve of the invasion of Iraq, ten to 15 million people in more than 60 countries around the world demonstrated against that war.

There is a growing refusal to accept U.S. domination and the idea of American exceptionalism. Recently, when the State Department issued its annual report listing countries guilty of torture and other human rights abuses, there were indignant responses from around the world commenting on the absence of the United States from that list. A Turkish newspaper said, "There's not even mention of the incidents in Abu Ghraib prison, no mention of Guantanamo." A newspaper in Sydney, Australia, pointed out that the United States sends suspects��people who have not been tried or found guilty of anything��to prisons in Morocco, Egypt, Libya, Uzbekistan, countries that the State Department itself says use torture.

Here in the United States, despite the media's failure to report it, there is a growing resistance to the war in Iraq. Public opinion polls show that at least half the citizenry no longer believe in the war. Perhaps most significant is that among the armed forces, and families of those in the armed forces, there is more and more opposition to the war

After the horrors of the first World War, Albert Einstein said, "Wars will stop when men refuse to fight." We are now seeing the refusal of soldiers to fight, the refusal of families to let their loved ones go to war, the insistence of the parents of high school kids that recruiters stay away from their schools. These incidents, occurring more and more frequently, may finally, as happened in the case of Vietnam, make it impossible for the government to continue the war, and it will come to an end.

The true heroes of our history are those Americans who refused to accept that we have a special claim to morality, and the right to exert our force on the rest of the world. I think of William Lloyd Garrison, the abolitionist. On the masthead of his antislavery newspaper, The Liberator, were the words, "My country is the world. My countrymen are mankind."

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